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Ukraine to Taiwan: “Pole Wars” or “Order of Chaos”

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The United States (US), which seeks to build new regional alliances through crises,  uses and fuels all kinds of conflicts of interest between the countries that are candidates and claimants to the multipolar world.

The dynamic crisis line stretching from Ukraine to Taiwan refers to an open-ended process for the whole world. This uncertainty process, in which the scenarios of the Third World War and the discourses of the “New Cold War” are frequently voiced and where more concerns prevail, undoubtedly raises the questions of “where are we heading to?” and “what accounts underlie all of this?”

The world order is changing

Surely, it is not a coincidence that all these developments have accelerated with the 46th  president of the US. President Joe Biden is part of the process here, and he’s just playing a dangerous role. To put it more concretely, the role that Biden has assumed through the discourse of “democrats-autocrats” in accordance with his “democratic” identity stands out with its “accelerator”, “aggressive” and “polarized” dimension in the operation carried out after the 9/11 against the existing-potential powers that are described as rivals/enemies of the US hegemony. In other words, we can say that Biden is busy with naming the definitions made by his predecessors George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump.

At this point, the following concepts emerged: Crisis, identity, generation, siege, corridor, resources, fear, and pole. All of these are intertwined and lead to a single door: The power struggle. The name and definition of the international system under reconstruction has been shaped around these words and concepts. When it is considered that, this power struggle from the center of Washington, two claims and two main actors emerges: the US, which aims for a “unipolar” system, and the “others” who want a “multipolar” world.

The US wants to be the “savior” again

In this context, the US is aware that it will lose in the face of Eurasian-centered challenges without maintaining control in Europe and in the Pacific, which constitute the two main pillars of the global power struggle. The “Russian-Ukrainian War” and the possible “China-Taiwan War”, as well as the escalating crisis in this context, point to precisely this goal. The US wants to realize its global hegemony with the “ two empires of fear” that it has launched all over the world and to put itself in the role of “savior” once again; just like during the Second World War and its aftermath, in the Cold War.

In this respect, it is noteworthy that “Russian fear/threat” has come to the fore on the European side and “Chinese fear/threat” in the Asia-Pacific region in the recent period. Thus, in the new US strategy, it is emphasized to end Germany’s claims of “multipolarity” in Europe through the “fear/threat of Russia” and even more to turn it into a “strong ally”. On the other hand, it seems that the US wants to bring these countries to Germany’s position by preventing the existing-possible claims of India and Japan in the Asia-Pacific context through the “fear/threat of China”.

To bring “new world order” out of chaos.

Chaos underlies the US presence and power. This is the reason why crises that tend to spread on a global basis and give the appearance of devastating chaos. The US wants to establish the new world order within the framework of the logic of “destroy and rebuild it according to itself.” Because the US sees the system established after the Second World War as an obstacle to itself. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the current crises not only in the context of geographies, but also in the form of a war against the established, generally accepted values, law, and institutions of the international system.

The basis of the US’ strategy of achieving results through crises lies in the fact that the policy of building hegemony based on the understanding of “soft power” against Europe and even partly Russia (in the context of energy diplomacy) especially China, has lost the advantages it has provided.

Thus, Washington is both forcing these actors into a power struggle at the point where it is strongest and pulling them into a costly area by pushing them to take up arms through “new threats”. Thus, by depriving them of soft power sources, it wants to put them in the position of revisionist/aggressor  states and start a new alliance process against them. In doing so, it seeks to achieve a less costly result by following the “proxy war” method and to strengthen its economy by selling more weapons.

The US, which seeks to build new regional alliances through crises, also uses and fuels all kinds of conflicts of interest between the countries that are candidates and claimants to the multipolar world.

The two main addresses of the crises: Russia and China.

These issues underlie the tendency of the US to increase the intensity and dose of its operations aimed at the image of Russia and especially China over the crises in the recent period, to deepen and expand in the geographical-political-economic-security fields. With this controlled, planned crisis policy, the US aims to shock these actors into irrational actors, and thus revealing the limits of both actors’ power, aggressive/aggressor faces, a network of fragile/weak relationships. It wants to show the whole world that they cannot be rivals/alternatives in the construction of the international system, that it is the solely power.

With this policy, Washington forces these actors into a contradiction based on discourse-action and tries to put them in the position of unreliable actors. Beijing, which until yesterday stood out with its soft power, is against violence and sanctions, let alone war, and the recent announcement that it will resort to sanction weapon and displaying an aggressive power position is important in this respect, although it describes it as a defense.

The US turns out to be profitable

The US seems to be starting to get the results from this crisis policy. Thus, now, there is an image that the network of relations that Russia and China have been building with a noose until yesterday has begun to loosen rapidly and that they face the threat of extinction if they do not take wise steps.

The fact that the US has formed a “bloc of sanctions” at this point accelerates the process of isolation and aggression of these two powers. The resistance-quests of these powers, which have become isolated and aggressive, towards the siege that has formed around them seem to become more inextricable with an extended-deepened “war of attrition” through existing-possible crises.

The destruction caused by this “indirect/proxy war” on the deterrence and prestige of these actors, in which the multidimensional, hybrid war methods initiated by the US against the Russia-China duo are becoming more effective day by day, clearly points to a near future where direct war methods will be on the agenda. Especially, it should not be ignored that China is gradually becoming involved in the Third World War and Nuclear War threats that Russia raised until yesterday.

Ukraine-Taiwan crises

The US is the sole winner of the Russian-Ukrainian War. Because with the Ukrainian War, it has seized an important opportunity to consolidate its European pillar, and therefore its leadership within the West, and in this context, it has re-established its authority over North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). So that the Germany-centered EU is turning into a legionary power of the US in the western hemisphere every day through the “fear of Russia”. Thus, while the US has reduced costs with the EU in its goal of global hegemony, on the other hand, it has made it more dependent on itself and has largely pacified an opponent that challenged itself under the name of “multipolarity” discourse.

The US move on Taiwan, on the other hand, is aiming at an even more divided/fragmented and isolated China against Beijing, which pursues a “One-China Policy”. Therefore, the Taiwan crisis emerges as a much bigger-deeper dimensional test of Beijing. China’s possible invasion of Taiwan could trigger even bigger crises. The fact that no indication has been received from the Beijing administration, which has suffered a serious loss of deterrence and prestige, that it will pursue a more cold-blooded policy, obviously shows that it has come to the US’ game; just like in the case of Russia.

Consequently, the current process is a war of hegemony between the US and its rival actors, a power struggle conducted around the discourses of “unipolarity”, multipolarity”, “democracies”, “autocracies”. The US is trying to respond to this systemic challenge through crises with new regional alliances-proxies based on its existential mission and aims for a unipolar system.

The geographical distribution of crises and the “regional/global threats” highlighted here, as well as the methods and tools used, point to this. The future of a new world order through chaos largely depends on the reaction of the “others”. It is a very difficult possibility that this reaction will be “soft”. Because these powers, which wanted to end the US hegemony through “soft power” until yesterday, are clearly facing a big game that they did not expect. It seems that the future of the new world order will once again be determined by the rimland and corridors.

This article was published by Anadolu Agency (AA) on August 11, 2022.

https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/analiz/ukraynadan-tayvana-kutup-savaslari-ya-da-kaos-duzeni/2658931

Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin EROL
Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin EROL
Born in 1969, Dörtyol-Hatay, Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin Erol graduated from Boğaziçi University (BU), Department of Political Science and International Relations in 1993. After completing his master's degree at BU in 1995, Erol was accepted to the PhD program at BU in the same year. After completing his PhD at Ankara University in 2005, Erol became an associate professor in the field of “International Relations” in 2009 and a professor in 2014. Erol worked at the Eurasian Center for Strategic Studies (ASAM) between 2000 and 2006 and and served as the General Coordinator of ASAM for a period. In 2009, he served as also Founding Chairman and Board Member of the Institute for Strategic Thinking (SDE). He is also the Founding President of the Center for International Strategy and Security Studies (USGAM) and the President of the International Relations Institute of the New Türkiye Strategic Research Center (YTSAM). Prof. Erol has also served as the Director of Gazi University Strategic Research Center (GAZISAM). In 2007, Prof. Erol received the “Turkish World Service Award” from the Writers and Artists Foundation of the Turkic World (TÜRKSAV), and has received numerous awards for his academic work and his activities in the media. Some of them can be listed as follows: 2013 “Print Media of the Year Award” by the Association of Contemporary Democrats, 2015 “APM 10th Year Service Award”, “2015 Press-Intellectual of the Year Award” by the Writers' Union of Türkiye (YTB), “2016 Volunteer Ambassadors Media Honor Award” by the Anatolian Village Guards and Martyrs' Families, “2016 Türkiye Honor Award” by the Yoruk Turkmen Federations. Prof. Erol has 15 book studies. The names of some of them are as follows: “The United States of Turks from Dream to Reality”, “Türkiye-EU Relations: Foreign Policy and Internal Structure Problems”, “The New Great Game in Eurasia”, “The Search for Strategy in Turkish Foreign Policy”, “The Search for Security in Turkish Foreign Policy”, “The Republic of Türkiye-Russian Federation Relations”, “The Cold Organization of Hot Peace: The New NATO”, “Theoretical Approaches in Foreign Policy Analysis: The Case of Turkish Foreign Policy”, “Crises and Crisis Management: Actors and Case Studies”, “Kazakhstan” and “Current Issues in International Relations”. Since 2002, Prof. Erol, who has carried out radio programs such as “Eurasia Agenda”, “Strategic Perspective”, “Global Perspective”, “Analysis”, “File”, “News Desk”, “The Other Side of the Agenda” on TRT Türkiye's voice and TRT Radio 1 (Ankara Radio), made the programs “Arayış” on TRT INT television between 2004-2007, “Beyond the Border” on Kanal A television between 2007-2010 and “Foreign Policy Agenda” on BBN TÜRK television in 2020-2021. Prof. Erol, whose foreign policy column “Arayış” was published in Milli Gazete between 2012-2018, is consulted for his expertise in numerous national and international media outlets such as television, radio, newspapers, news websites and magazines. Prof. Erol, who also taught at Gazi University Department of International Relations and Ankara University Latin American Studies Center (LAMER) between 2006-2018, has been continuing his academic career as a faculty member at Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli University Department of International Relations since 2018. Since 2006, Prof. Erol has also taught in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Ufuk University. The main areas of interest and expertise of Prof. Erol and the titles of his courses at the undergraduate, master's and doctoral levels in this area are as follows: “Geopolitics”, “Security”, “Intelligence”, “Crisis Management”, “Current Issues in International Relations”, “Turkish Foreign Policy”, “Russian Foreign Policy”, “US Foreign Policy” and “Central Asia and South Asia”. Prof. Erol, whose articles-evaluations have been published in many journals and newspapers, has been editor of academic journals such as “Eurasia File”, “Strategic Analysis”, “Strategic Thinking”, “Gazi Regional Studies”, “The Journal of SSPS”, “Black Sea Studies”. He is currently in the editorial boards of “Regional Studies,” “International Crisis and Political Research,” “Gazi Academic View”, “Ege University Turkish World Surveys”, “Ankara International Social Sciences”, “Democracy Platform”. Prof. Erol, who has been working as the Founding President of the Ankara Center for Crisis and Political Studies (ANKASAM) since 2016, is married and has three children.