Analysis

Agenda at the Bam Shangri-La Dialogue: US-China Rivalry

By bringing the issue of the Russia-Ukraine War to the Asia-Pacific, the US expects its allies to support Kiev.
The increasing footprint of Western actors in the Asia-Pacific is met with concern and reaction by China.
There is a clear lack of trust in US-China relations, which increases the risk of a possible war in the region.

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On May 31, 2024, on the sidelines of the 21st Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin held his first face-to-face meeting with Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun in nearly 18 months. Austin last met with then Chinese Defense Minister Wei Fenghe in Cambodia in November 2022.

According to the Chinese Ministry of Defense, Dong told Austin that “the Taiwan issue is entirely related to China’s internal affairs and foreign powers have no right to intervene.” In a statement released after the meeting, the Pentagon said Austin expressed “concern” about the Chinese military’s activities around the Taiwan Strait.[1]

Following the inauguration of Lai Ching-te, who won the elections in Taiwan, China organized military drills around the island for two days. On the other hand, the US sent an “unofficial” delegation to attend Lai’s inauguration. Therefore, the talks between the US and Chinese delegations within the framework of the Shangri-La Dialogue focused mainly on security in and around the Taiwan Strait. 

Important decisions were also taken in the contacts between the defense ministers of the United States, Japan and South Korea within the framework of the Shangri-La Dialogue. They announced that they had agreed to organize a new round of trilateral joint exercises in the summer of 2023. They also agreed to establish a “Framework for Trilateral Security Cooperation” to institutionalize the talks.[2]

Following these steps, Lieutenant General Jing Jianfeng of the Chinese Army accused the US of trying to build an “Asia-Pacific version of NATO”.[3] Jing stated the following: “The main goal of the United States is to unite small circles into a great circle, the Asia-Pacific version of NATO, in order to maintain its self-led hegemony.”[4]

One of the important scenes in the US-China rivalry is the South China Sea. The escalation of tensions in this sea, especially between the Philippines and China, is closely monitored by the US and has become one of the justifications for its intervention in the region. During the Shangri-La Dialogue, US Secretary of Defense Austin criticized Beijing’s actions against Manila in this sea.

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who made statements on this issue in the framework of the Shangri-La Dialogue, warned that if a Filipino citizen lost his life as a result of China’s actions, it would be considered an “act of war”.[5]

Washington’s support for Manila and Tokyo contributes to their assertiveness vis-à-vis Beijing. Manila’s recent proactive rhetoric and actions against Beijing can be attributed to this. Although Beijing calls for restraint and dialogue with neighboring states, Washington’s influence over its allies is growing.

In defense-security talks with China, US officials reiterate that they will “continue to operate safely and responsibly wherever international law permits”. The increasing footprint of Western actors in the Asia-Pacific has been met with concern and reaction by China. The participation of Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky in the recent Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore is seen as a “provocative” and “polarizing” move in this sense.[6]

On the one hand, the US continues its defense-security dialogue with China, and on the other hand, it takes its allied ties in the Asia-Pacific one step further. By bringing the issue of the Russia-Ukraine War to the Asia-Pacific, the US expects its allies to support Kiev. Southeast Asian countries, which have so far been careful to pursue a policy of balance, have avoided taking sides in the Ukraine Crisis as much as possible. China appreciates and supports these balanced policies of its Asia-Pacific neighbors. 

Indeed, the establishment of new security mechanisms and the expansion of military cooperation with US allies in the Asia-Pacific are part of the US strategy to contain China. On the other hand, Beijing emphasizes the importance of diplomacy and dialogue in relations with Washington. In general, Beijing is against polarization and alliances. Therefore, it attaches importance to keeping the channels of dialogue open with the US. The real danger here, however, is that the US could use this as an opportunity to push China’s red lines.  

Military exercises and dialogues in the Asia-Pacific, as well as the increasing cooperation of regional actors with Western powers, draw China’s reaction. Despite all these tensions, China has always left the door open for dialogue with the US. However, it is debatable which side benefits from this dialogue. In fact, the US benefits from these moderate relations. This is because Washington is building its own coalitions, citing the instability and vulnerability in the region.


[1] “Chinese defense chief pushes back US ‘concern’ on Taiwan”, AA, https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/chinese-defense-chief-pushes-back-us-concern-on-taiwan/3236146, (Date of Access: 05.06.2024).

[2] “U.S., S Korea and Japan agree to hold joint military exercises”, Japan Today, https://japantoday.com/category/politics/us-s.korea-and-japan-agree-to-hold-joint-military-exercises, (Date of Access: 05.06.2024).

[3] “China accuses US of seeking ‘Asia-Pacific Nato’”, FT, https://www.ft.com/content/b889d33c-7745-48b7-b847-64f2b3003409, (Date of Access: 05.06.2024).

[4] Ibid.

[5] “Philippine president warns China against ‘acts of war’”, BBC, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c7223knz3ezo, (Date of Access: 05.06.2024).

[6] “Zelensky attends Shangri-La Dialogue; Asian states should ‘avoid similar confrontation trap’”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202406/1313495.shtml, (Date of Access: 05.06.2024).

Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk Tamer graduated from Sakarya University, Department of International Relations in 2014. In the same year, he started his master's degree at Gazi University, Department of Middle Eastern and African Studies. In 2016, Tamer completed his master's degree with his thesis titled "Iran's Iraq Policy after 1990", started working as a Research Assistant at ANKASAM in 2017 and was accepted to Gazi University International Relations PhD Program in the same year. Tamer, whose areas of specialization are Iran, Sects, Sufism, Mahdism, Identity Politics and Asia-Pacific and who speaks English fluently, completed his PhD education at Gazi University in 2022 with his thesis titled "Identity Construction Process and Mahdism in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the Framework of Social Constructionism Theory and Securitization Approach". He is currently working as an Asia-Pacific Specialist at ANKASAM.

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