China’s Relations with India and Japan Based on its Foreign Policy Principles

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In its foreign policy, the People’s Republic of China has made it a principle of not interfering with the internal affairs of other states, and showing respect to their territorial integrity and sovereignty, not forming alliances and in this sense staying away from zero-sum games. China claims to be a peaceful state who does not challenge the current international system and the liberal economic order, and emphasizes that in its history, it has never occupied other states, pursued provocation, or encouraged polarization by establishing military alliances and has been following a principled foreign policy. These principles are expected to have a positive effect in the disputes and/or crises experienced by China in its bilateral and multilateral relations with the neighbouring states.

From the perspective of India and Japan, China follows an “aggressive” and “expansionist” regional policy, increases its power in the west through Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Kashmir, focuses on joint naval exercises with Russia in the Sea of Japan and the Pacific Ocean in the east, and expands its military presence in the Indo-Pacific, especially in the South China Sea. All these factors cause New Delhi and Tokyo to perceive a common threat from Beijing.

When it comes to India, it is seen that New Delhi still has the hope to improve relations with China. Minister of Foreign Affairs of India Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said on August 18, 2022 that relations with China are “at an extremely difficult stage” and that there are “many reasons” for the two countries to work jointly.[1] In response, the Government of China expressed that, “We hope India decides to work in the same direction as us to put relations back on track ‘at an early date’.”[2]

In recent months, new progress has been made in the meetings held between the two countries to resolve border issues, and the parties have agreed to withdraw troops from some areas of the dispute. Ultimately, thanks to the joint efforts of the two countries, the tension at the border has calmed down to some extent. This is resulted from the negative effects caused by Russia’s war in Ukraine, especially for the Indian and Chinese economies. In the midst of geopolitical risks and the energy crisis, neither India nor China are able to cope with a new tension or conflict in the region. The two countries seem to favour a more cautious, attentive and cool-headed policy concerning the Western sanctions against Moscow. From the perspective of global geopolitics, India and China are on the same front with their “multipolar” world goal. These two countries call on Russia to stop the conflicts and resolve the problems through peaceful negotiations. For this reason, if Russia’s war in Ukraine ends, India’s and China’s temporary partnership may also come to an end.

In general, India is more reactive or distant towards cooperation with China. On the other hand, it is seen that China is more willing to improve its relations with India. For example, in its report on September 26, 2022, the Chinese state media Global Times tried to send warm messages by saying that India should partner with China for the “Asian Century”.[3] In this context, Beijing acts as if there is “absolutely no problem” in bilateral relations. However, the tension and the risk of conflict in many regions of the border still remain. Nevertheless, Beijing tries to be consistent with its foreign policy principles by adopting a “peaceful” attitude in its relations with New Delhi. However, it is seen that China’s political stance in border issues is more uptight, and that it will not give up on its claims of historical rights over the territory. In this respect, it can be said that China has started to move away from its traditional foreign policy principles and that it has been more interventionist regarding India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In the example of Japan, their relations indicate a conjuncture in which smoothing and straining can be observed simultaneously. For example, Minister of Foreign Affairs of China Wang Yi calls for the development of bilateral relations on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations with Japan. In this regard, Wang Yi has put forward a five-item proposal for the improvement of China-Japan relations.[4] In these articles, China calls on Japan to avoid provocations, not to fall for the incitements of third countries and to regulate its bilateral relations with China peacefully. In other words, Beijing demands from Tokyo to act on the basis of a win-win and multilateralism approach instead of dwelling in the zero-sum game. Therefore, according to Beijing, Japan is the party that causes problems in bilateral relations, interferes with the Taiwan Issue and does not comply with the political agreements between the two states. In other words, Beijing thinks that Tokyo is the side that should correct itself.

However, there are some tensions in relations with Japan that China also has a part to play. For example, the day before the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations, three Chinese coast guard ships were sighted around the Senkaku Islands, where they had historic disputes with Japan. According to Tokyo’s allegations, they violated Japan’s territorial waters.[5] Japan claims that while it aimed at smoothing bilateral relations on the anniversary of diplomatic relations, China deliberately made provocations in the Senkaku Islands.

Through this process, China gives the message that it may pose a threat to the security of Japan by conducting joint exercises with the Russian Navy around the Sea of Japan and the Kuril Islands. Thus, China’s actions do not seem consistent. Beijing acts conflictual, reactive or provocative in the field while holding a peaceful attitude towards Japan in its foreign policy. For this reason, Japan questions China’s intentions, and this leads to distrust between the two states. In short, it is clear that a peaceful atmosphere is lacking in bilateral relations in contrast to the 50th anniversary of China-Japan ties celebrations. China has as much responsibility as Japan in the emergence of this situation.

China’s foreign policy principles are in line with the general principles states are obliged to comply with, defined in the Section 4 of the Article 2 of the UN Charter. These principles indicate refraining from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. Despite this, China has pressured many states in its immediate vicinity to support the “One China Principle”, especially with the growth of the Taiwan Crisis. Chinese diplomats in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, India, Vietnam and many other regional states have made statements remarking their expectations and faith in other states’ support to this principle. As a result of such pressures, the regional states had to declare their compliance to the fundamental principles of China. Therefore, it can be said that while India and Japan argue that China has become aggressive in its foreign policy and express their concerns about this, they are not wrong in their views. The most concrete outcomes of the deterioration in China’s foreign policy principles can be observed in its relations with India and Japan.


[1]“China Calls for India to Work ‘In Same Direction’ To Restore Ties”, The Hindu, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/china-calls-for-india-to-work-in-same-direction-to-restore-relations-at-an-early-date/article65787177.ece, (Date of Accession: 29.09.2022).

[2] Ibid.

[3]“China, India Should Seek Partnership to Greet Advent Of ‘Asian Century’”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202209/1276165.shtml, (Date of Accession: 29.09.2022).

[4]“Chinese FM Puts Forward Five-Point Views on Developing China-Japan Relations”, Xinhua, https://english.news.cn/20220913/38ed626955654fb4ae9508c4e36d4b1d/c.html, (Date of Accession: 29.09.2022).

[5]“China Ships Enter Japan Waters Near Senkakus, Day Before Key Anniv.”, Kyodo News, https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2022/09/10a5532882d9-china-ships-enter-japan-waters-near-senkakus-day-before-key-anniv.html, (Date of Accession: 29.09.2022).

Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk Tamer graduated from Sakarya University, Department of International Relations in 2014. In the same year, he started his master's degree at Gazi University, Department of Middle Eastern and African Studies. In 2016, Tamer completed his master's degree with his thesis titled "Iran's Iraq Policy after 1990", started working as a Research Assistant at ANKASAM in 2017 and was accepted to Gazi University International Relations PhD Program in the same year. Tamer, whose areas of specialization are Iran, Sects, Sufism, Mahdism, Identity Politics and Asia-Pacific and who speaks English fluently, completed his PhD education at Gazi University in 2022 with his thesis titled "Identity Construction Process and Mahdism in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the Framework of Social Constructionism Theory and Securitization Approach". He is currently working as an Asia-Pacific Specialist at ANKASAM.

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