The Goal of the German Right: Return to Old Europe

Paylaş

This post is also available in: Türkçe Русский

One of the most frequently discussed topics in international politics in recent years is the impact of populist nationalist discourses on societies and the rise of the far right in this context. In this context, Germany is one of the countries where the far right is on the rise. As a matter of fact, it is seen that the votes of the far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which received 10.3% in the elections held in 2021 in the country in question, reached 18% in the polls published in June 2023.[1] This leads to discussions that the AfD could come to power after the elections in 2025.

Although German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has stated that the rise in the AfD’s votes is cyclical and that he is confident that public support for the party will erode until the elections to be held in 2025 [2], it is necessary to state that there is a suitable social ground for the rise of the far right in Germany.

In the recent past, Germany witnessed the liquidation of the junta group calling themselves the “Imperial Citizens (Reichsbürger)” who planned to declare Prince Heinrich III, a real estate developer in Frankfurt, as emperor. The characteristic of the group in question is that it has internalized values that can be defined as far right. Moreover, radical organizations such as PEGIDA continue to exist in Germany. Considering the country’s Nazi past, it is not surprising that neo-Nazi organizations such as the AfD have reached a certain level of social support.

Undoubtedly, as in other European countries, there are various factors that triggered the rise of the far right in Germany. Foremost among these is Islamophobia, which dates back to the 1973 Oil Crisis and reached its peak with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It is also known that Islamophobia triggered anti-immigrant sentiment after the Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Civil War. At this point, it is seen that various segments of society who think that immigrants are the cause of the economic problems and sociological changes they experience in their countries are driven to xenophobia.

It can be stated that the Russian-Ukrainian War that started on February 24, 2022 played a critical role in the recent rise of the far right in Germany. After the war, Continental Europe stood in solidarity with the United States of America (USA) and imposed heavy sanctions on Russia. In response to Moscow’s use of energy as a trump card in this process, the European Union (EU) countries, on the one hand, sought alternative suppliers in order to reduce dependence on Russian natural gas, and on the other hand, implemented the price ceiling in oil against Russia.

This has led Europe to face an energy crisis. This has led to an increase in energy prices and the disruption of sectors with significant energy needs, such as industry. The cost of living for ordinary citizens has also increased. Of course, it is possible to say that Germany, the industrial giant of Europe and the economic driving force of the EU, has also been negatively affected by this process. As a matter of fact, far-right groups believe that the responsibility for their impoverishment stems from the collective attitude of continental Europe, which focuses on the interests of the US, and argue that their countries should pursue policies that focus on their own national interests. Therefore, the rise of the far-right means a ” Divided West” and a widening of the cracks in trans-Atlantic relations.

As expected, the nationalist approach, which advocates that countries should put their national interests at the center, together with the far-right rhetoric of right-populist leaders, implies the rise of a sharp nation-state approach. This implies a perspective that actors should put their national interests above the interests of the EU.

In such an atmosphere, the fact that AfD leader Tino Chrupella’s views advocating the controlled dismantling of the EU came to the agenda is an important event that cannot be characterized as a coincidence in any way. It is already known that the AfD’s election manifesto, which is expected to be approved at the party congress on July 29, 2023, will include a promise such as “the controlled dismantling of the tyrannical EU”. “We demand a reset for Europe in order to be able to use the potential of nation-states and rebuild the bridge to the east,” Chrupella told Euractiv.[3]

The AfD leader’s remarks are significant in that they demonstrate that the rise of the far right is the most serious challenge to European integration. Because the fact that the far right is already in power in Italy, forms part of the coalition in Sweden, is likely to come to power in Spain, and is reaching wider and wider social segments in France, taken together with the increasing votes of the AfD in Germany, it can be argued that the future of the EU project is at stake. This can be interpreted as a harbinger of a Europe composed of fragmented states with conflicting interests. In other words, the process is leading not only to a “Divided West” but also to a “Fragmented Europe”. This can also be called the “Return of Old Europe”. Indeed, Chrupella’s words and the statements that the AfD is preparing to include in its election manifesto at its congress indicate that this is the ultimate goal of the German right.


[1] “German far Right Surges in Polls, Alarming Mainstream Parties”, Euronews, https://www.euronews.com/2023/06/02/german-far-right-surges-in-polls-alarming-mainstream-parties, (Date of Accession: 17.07.2023).

[2] “German Leader Confident That a Surging Far-Right Party Will Shrink Again Before the Next Election”, ABC News, https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/german-leader-confident-surging-party-shrink-election-101268949, (Date of Accession: 17.07.2023).

[3] “German Far-Right Works for EU’s ‘Controlled Dissolution’”, Euractiv, https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/news/german-far-right-works-for-eus-controlled-dissolution/, (Date of Accession: 17.07.2023).

Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN, 2014 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2017 yılında Giresun Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı’nda sunduğu ‘’Uluslararası Güç İlişkileri Bağlamında İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Hegemonik Mücadelelerin İncelenmesi’’ başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Doktora derecesini ise 2021 yılında Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı‘nda hazırladığı “İmparatorluk Düşüncesinin İran Dış Politikasına Yansımaları ve Milliyetçilik” başlıklı teziyle alan Başaran’ın başlıca çalışma alanları Uluslararası ilişkiler kuramları, Amerikan dış politikası, İran araştırmaları ve Afganistan çalışmalarıdır. Başaran iyi derecede İngilizce ve temel düzeyde Farsça bilmektedir.

Similar Posts