The attitudes expressed by French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock during their visit to Damascus on January 3, 2025 and their statements regarding the new administration in Syria have once again brought to the agenda the deep contradictions in Western countries’ policies towards the region, especially in Europe. The visit, especially the German minister’s arrival at the airport wearing a bulletproof vest and attire that did not comply with official visit etiquette and the Syrian leader Shara’s no shaking German Baerbock’s hand, caused a wide repercussion in the international media and took its place at the top of the agenda. Although the international media focused on tabloid details during this visit, these contacts contain important clues about the new Syria policies of Western countries.
Previously, on December 17, 2024, the UK’s Special Representative for Syria, Ann Snow, and the British diplomats accompanying her, met with Syrian leader Shara in the Syrian capital, Damascus. Immediately after the meeting, British Foreign Secretary David Lammy emphasized that the UK supports the formation of an inclusive and representative government in Syria and aims to ensure that chemical weapons are secured and not used. He also stated that contact will be established with HTS through diplomatic and intelligence channels when necessary. In addition to these diplomatic initiatives, the British government announced that it has announced a humanitarian aid package worth £50 million for Syrians and refugees.
Sonn after this diplomatic visit to Damascus by the UK, on December 20, 2024, Barbara Leaf, the US Undersecretary of State and the top diplomat in the Middle East, met with al-Shara, and following the meeting, the United States of America (USA) announced to the public that the previously set $10 million bounty on Shara had been lifted. This development was considered an important diplomatic step indicating a possible change in the US policy towards Syria. Although the diplomatic steps of the UK and the US have changed, the unchanging policy is that the US should not pose a threat to its partners such as the PYD/YPG and SDF inside and outside Syria.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, in their statements following their visits to Damascus, gave important messages regarding the reconstruction process in Syria and ensuring regional stability. Baerbock emphasized that “European funds should not fall into the hands of Islamist groups” and stated that all ethnic groups should be included in the democratic transition process. She also stated that in order for Syria to receive European support, all groups, including women and Kurds, should participate in the process. Baerbock stated that whether or not the EU will lift sanctions on Syria depends on political progress.
Frequently referring to his meetings with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in his statements, Baerbock expressed his desire to cooperate with Türkiye in the reconstruction of Syria and the establishment of regional stability. Emphasizing Türkiye’s efforts regarding the return of Syrian refugees and security dynamics in the region, Baerbock stated that Germany would be in close contact with Türkiye during this process. French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot, on the other hand, “called for a political solution for the integration of Kurdish fighters (PKK/PYD and YPG) in Syria” and stated that “a permanent ceasefire must be achieved.”
The picture that emerged from the visit of French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock to Damascus shows that Western countries, especially France and Germany, are pleased with the weakening of Russia and Iran’s influence in Syria, but despite this, they are following a careful and cautious approach in their relations with the new administration in Damascus. This attitude reflects the efforts of Western actors to adapt to the changing political conditions in Syria, as well as the need to take more careful steps considering the strategic balances in the region. Therefore, the West’s approach to this new equation is taking shape in parallel with the current Syrian administration’ s efforts to build transparency and trust in the international arena, along with the desire to be more effective in the reconstruction of Syria. Germany and France, which do not officially recognize the Taliban administration in Afghanistan and avoid high-level diplomatic contacts with this country, and their adoption of a more open policy and high-level contacts with Syria, which is under the control of HTS, stand out as an important indicator of this approach. There are a number of strategic reasons behind the visit of the French and German Foreign Ministers to Damascus.
The first of these is the process of reconstructing Syria and establishing its democratic structure, Türkiye has played an effective and important role in the stages of development and strategic presence. In this context, the frequent emphasis of Türkiye’ s role in the statements of German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock reveals Germany’ s desire to cooperate with Türkiye in the reconstruction process of Syria. Germany aims to benefit from the strategic advantages that Türkiye has in the region and especially from the efforts it has made regarding the return of Syrian refugees. This situation reinforces the understanding that a common approach should be developed regarding the reconstruction of Syria. Moreover, Baerbock’s willingness to cooperate closely with Türkiye is important not only for the development and stability of Syria, but also for the strengthening of security dynamics in the region. In this context, Germany’s cooperation with Türkiye regarding the reconstruction process of Syria is a step towards establishing a strategic partnership between the two countries.
The second reason is that if the European Union closes its doors to Damascus, this gap may be filled by Russia, China or other countries. This situation could reshape Syria’ s position in international relations and weaken the West’s influence in the region. Major powers, especially Russia and China, may increase their efforts to gain more influence in order to fill the political and economic vacuum in Syria. While Russia has already become an important player with its military presence in Syria and its influence in regional politics, China has also adopted an active approach to making economic investments within the framework of the “Belt and Road Initiative”. In this context, if the European Union does not reshape its relations with Syria, the West’s strategic sphere of influence over Syria may shrink, and this could lead to the reconstruction of the regional balance of power.
The third reason is that Europe is trying to create the impression that conditions in Syria are safe in order to ensure the return of refugees. The fact that Germany and other European Union countries are demanding the return of Syrian refugees can be seen as a step towards Syria being accepted as a safe country. However, it should also be noted that Europe has been applying the concept of “safe country” more flexibly in recent years. For example, Europe has accepted the repatriation of refugees in countries such as Afghanistan and has used the term “safe country” in a broader context. This situation shows that a similar approach towards Syria can be associated with Europe’s regional policies, beyond the aim of solving the refugee problem.
Another of the most important strategic reasons is the investments to be made to ensure the redevelopment of Syria, which has emerged from war after a long period of time. In addition, the European Union’ s need for cheap oil stands out as an effective factor in this process. Although Syria’s new administration urgently needs investment and international recognition, it remains unclear what it can offer in return for this support and what issues the West will tolerate in this process.
Another important aspect of the visit is that it reflected Germany and France’s desire to influence the shaping of Syria’s politics in the following period. France’s colonial past had a great impact on Syria and Lebanon, especially until the beginning of the 20th century. France took Syria and Lebanon under mandate rule after World War I, starting in the 1920s, and left deep marks in the region both culturally and politically during this period. The French administration has made significant reforms, especially in the fields of education, infrastructure and administration, and the French culture and language have become widespread in these countries. These historical ties of France continue to be an effective factor in shaping its policy towards Syria and Lebanon. In this context, France’ s interest in Syria is not limited to economic and strategic interests. At the same time, the French are seeking to re-establish their historical influence in this region and play a role in the reshaped political structures of these countries. In the visit of the French Foreign Minister to Syria, both France’s interest in the current situation in the region and its efforts to maintain French cultural and political influence can be seen as a reflection of its colonial heritage.
On the other hand, German Foreign Minister Baerbock’s statements after his visit to Syria, focusing on democracy, human rights and minority rights, and demanding the integration of the PKK/YPG/SDF into the Syrian army, clearly demonstrate that Germany’s Syria policy is not limited to relations between equal and sovereign states, but has also transformed into a strategy aimed at European intervention in Syria’ s internal affairs. This situation is Germany’s domestic political situation in Syria.
It shows that it aims to influence the political party and to change the regional balance of power. In other words, Germany continues to use its democracy and human rights discourses, which have been ongoing for years, as a tool to intervene in Syria’s domestic political dynamics. In particular, Baerbock’s demand for the lifting of sanctions imposed on Syria due to improvements in these areas, in addition to the importance he attached to issues such as minorities and women’s rights during his visit to Syria, is an important indicator that human rights and democracy discourses have become a strategic tool in Germany’ s foreign policy. This approach reveals that Germany aims to realize its own interests by intervening in Syria’s domestic policies, beyond just having humanitarian concerns. However, the fact that the German minister linked the aid to be provided to Syria to the arrangements to be made within the framework of democracy, human rights and minority rights in the country and that the minister did not mention Israel, which occupied the south of the country and carried out massacres in Gaza, Jerusalem and Lebanon, is an indication that Germany is not sincere in its statements about democracy, human rights, minority rights and respect for international law and that it uses these statements only as a means of pressure.
It would not be right to evaluate the visit of the German and French Foreign Ministers to Damascus by excluding the strategic interests of the US and Israel. Because, considering the great influence of the Israeli lobby and the US in shaping policies in the Middle East, it can be said that such visits usually take place in parallel with the regional goals of these countries. Israel’s security interests in Syria and the Middle East in general, in particular, significantly affect the policies of Western countries in the region. For this reason, the contacts of Germany and France in Damascus are based on a strategy that is shaped not only by considering their own interests but also by taking into account Israel’s interests. There is no doubt that the German and French Foreign Ministers implied, albeit implicitly, that in order for the assistance of European countries to be provided, they should avoid initiatives that could disturb Israel’s interests. This situation shows that Western countries are following a policy in which they take into account the strategic balances in the region and especially prioritize Israel’s interests when shaping their relations with Syria.
