Strained Relations on the Bishkek-Moscow Line

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In the post-independence period, Kyrgyzstan distinguished itself as the most democratic nation in Central Asia and the one with the best ties to the West. These characteristics also had a direct impact on Bishkek’s foreign policy. In this context, Kyrgyzstan was acting relatively freely, whilst Russia was attempting to maintain its influence in the post-Soviet geography. Due to this, Kyrgyzstan, which is being fought over by both the West and Russia, has gone through several social movements and changes in power.

Sadyr Japarov, the President of Kyrgyzstan, who took office following the demonstrations in October 2020, has begun to carry out a multifaceted foreign policy that takes into consideration the power dynamics between the centers of power. In this context, the President has been successful in achieving balance in his country’s ties with both the West and Russia. Mr. Japarov has also enhanced ties with several nations, ranging from India to the Gulf states.

Despite having a peaceful foreign policy, operating with a win-win approach, and acting in line with principles of respect, equality, and cooperation between all parties, Kyrgyzstan occasionally engages in conflict with Tajikistan. Despite their conflicts, the two nations’ leaders act with common sense and share a commitment to maintaining peace. Only 420 km of the total 970 km that make up the border between the two states are in question, and discussions are taking place at various levels to establish these lines.[1] It is also stated that a consensus has been reached on a significant part of the 420 km during the negotiations.

One of the policies proposed by Bishkek to prevent these conflicts is the establishment of a mechanism within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), of which both countries are members.[2] However, Kyrgyzstan is unable to get a favorable answer from the organization. In its remarks on the conflicts, the CSTO stated that the situation is being observed, violence should be avoided, and it is imperative to return to diplomatic methods based on dialogue.[3]

Mr. Japarov’s first move after Kyrgyzstan’s requests was ignored was to abstain from the informal Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) summit on October 7, 2022, which was held in St. Petersburg, Russia. Development at this conference also elicited a response from Bishkek.

At the CIS summit, President of Russia Vladimir Putin awarded President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon with the Order of Merit for the Fatherland of the third degree for his contribution to strengthening the strategic partnership in bilateral relations and ensuring regional stability and security.[4] The Kyrgyz now believe that Russia is backing Tajikistan as a result of this development. This is why Mr. Japarov continued responding in kind by taking further actions against Russia and the CSTO.

These developments have affected the Bishkek administration’s approach to Russia and the CSTO. It is known that Yerevan is asking similar questions regarding CSTO in the recent period.

Currently, the Bishkek administration continues to pursue its multidimensional foreign policy. Kyrgyzstan maintains its constructive relations, with China, India, and Gulf countries including the Western actors. However, owing to the policies it has put in place, Kyrgyzstan has decided to distance itself from Russia. In essence, Bishkek is attempting to send Moscow a last message through its blooming relationships with other actors.

On the other hand, due to the passive stance of Russia and the CSTO, Kyrgyzstan brings the resolution of the conflict and the issue to the attention of international public opinion. This is demonstrated by the fact that Mr. Japarov brought up the border disputes with Tajikistan during his statement to the 77th United Nations (UN) General Assembly on September 20, 2022. It can be said that Kyrgyzstan is taking this action to put in place the framework for a solution within the UN as it was not formed within the CSTO.

In conclusion, tensions between the two nations are a result of Russia’s passive stance when it comes to solving problems and establishing peace. With its actions, the Bishkek government is pressuring Moscow to act more balanced. At this point, Russia’s approach will also directly affect Kyrgyzstan’s foreign policy. Because Bishkek will either endeavor to balance this country through bilateral contacts it will develop with actors other than Russia, functioning within the framework of a multidimensional foreign policy, or re-normalize relations by observing Russia’s actions.


[1] Nazir Aliyev Tayfur, “Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have been having a border dispute for 31 years”, Anadolu Ajansı, https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/dunya/kirgizistan-ve-tacikistan-31-yildir-sinir-anlasmazligi-yasiyor/2687648, (Date of Accession: 12.10.2022).

[2] “Kyrgyzstan won’t cede a centimeter of its land to anyone – President Japarov tells UN GA about Tajikistan’s military aggression”, AKI Press, https://akipress.com/news:680082, (Date of Accession: 12.10.2022).

[3] “The CSTO Secretariat Commentary on the situation on the Kyrgyz-Tajik Border”, Collective Security Treaty Organization, https://en.odkb-csto.org/news/news_odkb/kommentariy-sekretariata-odkb-po-situatsii-na-kyrgyzsko-tadzhikskoy-granitse/#loaded, (Date of Accession: 12.10.2022).

[4] “Rahmon congratulates Putin on his birthday”, Asia-Plus, https://www.asiaplustj.info/en/news/tajikistan/power/20221007/rahmon-congratulates-putin-on-his-birthday, (Date of Accession: 12.10.2022).

Dr. Emrah KAYA
Dr. Emrah KAYA
ANKASAM Dış Politika UzmanıDr. Emrah Kaya, Akdeniz Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezundur. Yüksek lisans derecesini 2014 yılında Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nde hazırladığı “Latin Amerika'da Sol Liderlerin Yükselişi ve Uluslararası Politikaya Etkisi: Venezuela-Bolivya Örneği” başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Kaya, doktora derecesini de 2022 yılında aynı üniversitede hazırladığı "Terörle Mücadelede Müzakere Yöntemi: ETA-FARC-LTTE-PKK" başlıklı teziyle elde etmiştir. İyi derecede İngilizce bilen Kaya'nın başlıca çalışma alanları; Orta Asya, Latin Amerika, terörizm ve barış süreçleridir.

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