Russia’s Updated Foreign Policy Concept: An Emphasis on Multipolarity

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On March 31, 2023, Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the updated version of his country’s Foreign Policy Concept Document published in 2016. According to the statement made, the document has been updated within the framework of the National Security Strategy developed in 2021; Reflects continuity in Russian foreign policy.[1]

While it is emphasized in the concept that Russia implements a versatile and independent foreign policy; It is stated that humanity has witnessed revolutionary developments.[2] Underlining that this change was not welcomed by Western states accustomed to the colonial logic, the concept claimed that Russia defended its right to exist and its freedom of development against the hostile actions of the West by using all the means at its disposal.[3] In this context, it is stated in the document that Russia has the goal of reinforcing its position as one of the responsible, strong and independent centers of the modern world.[4]

As expected, the concept aims to reveal the desire of the Moscow administration for a multipolar world order. For this reason, the Kremlin has put forward an approach that draws attention to the aim of establishing an equal and sustainable world order. In this context, while underlining the supremacy of international law; The importance of international peace and security was also mentioned.

In addition, attention was drawn to the need to gain superiority in the oceans, space and air in order to ensure the interests of Russia. In addition, the concept; development, environmental and health problems, and deepening international cooperation were also included in the solution of global problems. However, the most important part of the document is the sections that focus on regional strategies related to foreign policy.

In the document, with reference to the “Near Environment Doctrine”, also known as the Primakov Doctrine, Russia’s policy towards the countries in its immediate vicinity was first explained. In this context, the Kremlin administration; He gave the message that the regional projects carried out through structures such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union will continue.[5] In this sense, it can be predicted that Russia will continue its determination not to share its influence in the post-Soviet space and that the countries in the aforementioned geography will respond to the Western orientations as in the examples of Georgia and Ukraine.

The document then drew attention to the Arctic Region. It is known that the geostrategic importance of the said region has increased due to the new waterways formed in parallel with global warming. In addition, the presence of rich underground resources in the region increases the interest of the great powers in the region. In this context, Russia has openly expressed in the document that it is concerned about the military militarization of the Arctic Region and implied that it will not hesitate to take action against it. Therefore, it can be said that Russia believes that a similar containment strategy implemented by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) over the Black Sea can be experienced in the Arctic geopolitics. This can be interpreted as the process that started with the NATO memberships of Sweden and Finland will deepen the security dilemma in the region.

In addition, the aim of developing the Northern Sea Route was once again expressed in the document.[6] This indicates a situation in line with the Sea Doctrine published by the Moscow administration in August 2022.[7]

The following is the concept; It focuses on relations with China and India and the general situation of the Asia-Pacific Region. It was stated that Russia aims to further strengthen its comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation with China; Considering India together with China, it can be said that the Moscow administration wants to turn the competition on the New Delhi-Beijing line into an advantage. In this context, emphasizing the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the document, it can be said that the priority of the Kremlin is to maintain cooperation with these two actors in the context of their search for multipolarity.

However, in the case of Asia-Pacific, the concept stated that attempts to undermine the system of multilateral security and development alliances will be resisted.[8] In this sense, it can be argued that Moscow is uncomfortable with NATO’s increasing interest in Asia-Pacific and the presence of the United States of America (USA) in the region through structures such as QUAD and AUKUS. Especially considering the disagreements with Japan over the Kuril Islands, it can be inferred that Russia will continue to cooperate with China and that these two may come face to face with the USA and its allies in the region, especially Japan.

In the concept, Russia also mentioned relations with the Islamic World and it was stated that relations with Iran would be shaped with the sensitivity of maintaining full-scale and reliable cooperation. In addition, it was stated that the support to Syria would continue. In addition, the aim of deepening multilateral mutually beneficial partnerships with other Muslim countries was mentioned. At this point, the statement that the constructive policies of the members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation towards Russia were taken into account was a detail that should not go unnoticed.[9]

In the document, Russia drew attention to energy security and military cooperation in its relations with Africa. This can be interpreted as the current approach of the Moscow administration in its policy towards the continent will continue.

In the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, the importance of win-win relations based on mutual respect was emphasized. In this context, the concept; It drew particular attention to constructive relations with Brazil, Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela.

As it can be understood, Russia placed the understanding of multipolarity at the base of the document, and after defining its close environment and interests in Arctic geopolitics in this context, it highlighted the search for cooperation in Asia-Pacific, Islamic World, Africa and Latin America. Later, the concept focused on “others”. In this context, the following statements are included under the heading of relations with Europe:[10]

“Most European states pursue an aggressive policy aimed at posing a threat to the security and sovereignty of the Russian Federation, obtaining unilateral economic advantages, undermining internal political stability, eroding traditional Russian moral and moral values, and creating obstacles to states collaborating with Russia.”

As it can be understood from the statements, Russia is particularly uncomfortable with the sanctions imposed by European states after the war in Ukraine. In this sense, the Kremlin is not divided; It can be stated that he has an integrated Western reading. Undoubtedly, the effect of the war in Ukraine in this situation is great. Despite this, mentioning the aim of creating a new model of coexistence with European states in the concept means that the Moscow administration wants to be included in the European security architecture after the war in Ukraine and wants to clarify the conflicts in Trans-Atlantic relations. Here, too, it can be claimed that Moscow will try to use the energy factor effectively.

However, the fact that the document stated that there was a desire for mutually beneficial cooperation among the European states based on mutual benefit can be interpreted as Russia’s desire to impose its “great power” status on the West. In addition, it is underlined in the concept that Europe will take the place it deserves in the multipolar world.[11] In this sense, the Kremlin does not want to see Continental Europe as a partner of the USA; On the contrary, it can be said that it is trying to position itself as a power center/pole in the multipolar world.

The Moscow administration defined the USA and the UK as the “inspiration, organizer and implementer” of anti-Russian policies, and that these two, especially the USA, are the main source of great risks to Russia’s security, international peace, and the balanced, egalitarian and progressive development of humanity. claimed to be.[12] In this sense, the concept very clearly represents an objection to American leadership.

As a result, Russia’s foreign policy concept, published with the signature of Putin on March 31, 2023, is an updated version of the document in 2016. In this sense, there are no fundamental changes in the document; on the contrary, the concept reflects the continuity in Russian foreign policy. However, in the document, Russia’s demand for a multipolar world was voiced loudly and the actors and regions to cooperate in this context were expressed. Continental Europe, the UK and the USA are coded as the main competitors. In this sense, Moscow expressed that it wants to see Europe as a pole in a multipolar world through the transformation of European policies; He put forward the fight against the leadership of the USA as an uncompromising goal.


[1] “Совещание с постоянными членами Совета Безопасности”, Kremlin, http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/70810, (Date of Accession: 01.04.2023).

[2] “The Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation”, Kremlin, https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/fundamental_documents/1860586/, (Date of Accession: 01.04.2023).

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Kadir Ertaç Çelik, “The Expansion of Russian Geopolitics from Land to Sea: “the Russian Naval Doctrine””, ANKASAM, https://www.ankasam.org/the-expansion-of-russian-geopolitics-from-land-to-sea-the-russian-naval-doctrine/?lang=en, (Date of Accession: 01.04.2023).

[8] “The Concept of…”, a.g.m.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN, 2014 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2017 yılında Giresun Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı’nda sunduğu ‘’Uluslararası Güç İlişkileri Bağlamında İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Hegemonik Mücadelelerin İncelenmesi’’ başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Doktora derecesini ise 2021 yılında Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı‘nda hazırladığı “İmparatorluk Düşüncesinin İran Dış Politikasına Yansımaları ve Milliyetçilik” başlıklı teziyle alan Başaran’ın başlıca çalışma alanları Uluslararası ilişkiler kuramları, Amerikan dış politikası, İran araştırmaları ve Afganistan çalışmalarıdır. Başaran iyi derecede İngilizce ve temel düzeyde Farsça bilmektedir.

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