On January 25, 2025, Colombian President Gustavo Petro declared a state of emergency in response to increasing violence in the country, authorizing the government to impose curfews, traffic restrictions and other regulations for 90 days.[1] This decision was taken following an escalation of fighting between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the FARC-EMC (a breakaway wing of the former FARC guerrilla group) in the Catatumbo region in the northeast. The humanitarian crisis in the region, which has killed more than 80 people and displaced more than 36,000 in just a few days, poses a serious threat to Colombia’s internal security. The Office of the Ombudsman reports that human rights violations, forced displacement and threats against civilians have reached an alarming level.[2]
The violence in Catatumbo has become not only a local but also an international crisis. The struggle over coca cultivation and natural resources has deeply affected the local population and led thousands to seek refuge in neighboring Venezuela. The United Nations has condemned human rights violations during the conflict and called for international intervention.[3] Petro’s suspension of peace talks with the ELN suggests that the government is adopting a tougher stance against these groups. However, while the state of emergency has raised questions of constitutionality, it has put Colombia’s long-term peace efforts back on the agenda.
Colombia, a country with a history of violence and civil wars, has been struggling with organizations such as the ELN and FARC-EMC. The ELN was founded in 1964 with a Marxist-Leninist ideology and initially operated as a resistance movement against social inequalities. Over time, however, it began to raise funds through drug trafficking and other illicit means. The FARC, on the other hand, emerged in the early 1960s as a guerrilla movement against economic inequalities in rural areas, but later became involved in the drug trade and eventually transformed into an illegal organization. With the 2016 peace agreement, most members of the FARC laid down their arms, but the FARC-EMC, which rejected the agreement, continued its violent and illegal activities.
Venezuela is one of the countries with alleged links to these groups. Colombia has repeatedly stated, especially during the Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro periods, that these organizations continue to operate on the Venezuelan border.[4]However, such claims have often failed to move beyond diplomatic discussions. Internationally, the United States of America (USA) explicitly recognizes these groups as terrorist organizations and strongly condemns their activities.[5] It also provides both technical and military support to the Colombian Government in the fight against terrorism.
Russia, on the other hand, has been criticized for its military aid to Venezuela, but has made it clear that this aid will not be used against Colombia.[6] China, on the other hand, adopts a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of Latin American states and maintains a neutral stance. However, it is estimated that the main sources of funding for the ELN and FARC-EMC are drug trafficking, smuggling and human trafficking.
These organizations cause serious damage to Colombia not only through acts of violence but also through the humanitarian crises they create. In areas such as Catatumbo, where drug production centers are located, the state has lost control. The peoples living in these regions live under constant threat. In early 2025, more than 80 people were killed and tens of thousands displaced in the conflict.[7]
The Colombian Government has attempted to hold peace talks with the ELN and FARC-EMC to end this cycle of violence. However, the organizations’ unwillingness to sit at the peace table and their continued attacks have consistently undermined the government’s efforts. Despite the progress made by the 2016 peace process, the ELN’s aggressive behavior threatens Colombia’s long-term peace prospects.
The United Nations has stepped in to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Colombia, providing assistance to displaced persons. Actors such as the European Union and the United States also provide support to Colombia in the fight against terrorism. However, this support is often focused on military solutions and is not sufficient for long-term social reforms.
Colombia is facing a historic test in the fight against organizations such as the ELN and the FARC-EMC. These groups continue to threaten the economic, social and political fabric of the country. However, policies that support regional development and community-based security approaches are critical to Colombia’s long-term stability.
The future of the ELN and FARC-EMC depends not only on the measures taken by the Colombian Government, but also on the approach of the international community. The current strategies employed by the Colombian government, particularly those based on military operations, are not considered sufficient to reduce the long-term influence of these organizations. The financial strength of the organizations from illegal activities, such as drug trafficking, continues to provide them with the necessary resources to continue their activities. However, ideological divisions and leadership struggles within the organizations can be considered as a factor that may weaken the power of the groups in the long run. However, this situation may pave the way for the emergence of new separatist groups if the state does not develop effective policies to fill this gap.
The future existence of the ELN and FARC-EMC is directly related to the policies of other actors in the region. In particular, it is important that Venezuela and other bordering countries adopt policies to prevent these organizations from using Colombia as a sanctuary and base of operations. The international community could provide stronger support to break Colombia’s spiral of violence. For example, international partnerships to dry up the organizations’ financial resources and a more inclusive economic development plan could shrink their social base. If the influence of the ELN and FARC-EMC in the region is not reduced, it will jeopardize not only Colombia, but also cross-border stability and global efforts to combat drug trafficking.
In conclusion, the violence in Colombia must be addressed as an international, not just a national, problem. The international community needs to play a stronger role to reduce the influence of the ELN and FARC-EMC and bring Colombia to peace.
[1] Hurtado, Arlette. “Colombia President Declares State of Emergency as Violence Surges.” Juris News, www.jurist.org/news/2025/01/colombia-president-declares-state-of-emergency-as-violence-surges/, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
[2] Ibid.
[3] United Nations. “Secretary-General Urges Immediate End to Violence against Civilians in Colombia Following Recent Clashes between Armed Groups.” United Nations, 2025, https://press.un.org/en/2025/sgsm22527.doc.htm, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
[4] BBC. “Colombia Accuses Venezuela of Harbouring Rebel Groups.” BBC News, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-10657630, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
[5] U.S. Department of State. “Foreign Terrorist Organizations.” U.S. Department of State, https://www.state.gov/foreign-terrorist-organizations/, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
[6] Reuters. “Russia Says Military Aid to Venezuela Will Not Be Used to Attack Colombia.” Reuters, 8 Feb. 2022, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/russia-says-military-aid-venezuela-will-not-be-used-attack-colombia-2022-02-08/, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
[7] “At Least 80 People Killed in Northeast Colombia as Peace Talks Fail, Official Says.” AP News, https://apnews.com/article/colombia-killed-eln-farc-kidnapped-9312219ca09e26fc03d18983fd245831, (Accessed Date: 01.29.2025).
