Analysis

Haiti’s Deepening Security Crisis

The violence caused by gangs has triggered a massive migration crisis in Haiti.
The U.S. aid cuts have negatively impacted Haiti’s healthcare, education, and nutrition programs.
Violence has forced millions of people to flee their homes.

Paylaş

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In recent years, Haiti has been plunged into a severe humanitarian crisis due to the widespread violence of armed gangs and the weakening of state authority. The capital, Port-au-Prince, and its surrounding regions have fallen under the control of these criminal groups, forcing millions of people to flee their homes. While the international community has provided some assistance, it remains insufficient as gangs continue to expand their influence.

The rise of gangs in Haiti is directly linked to the gradual decline of state authority over the years. Political instability, corruption, and economic hardship have left the government powerless in the face of organized crime. The assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021 created a massive security vacuum, which gangs quickly exploited to consolidate their power.

However, these gangs are not just criminal organizations; they also act as political players. Some former politicians and business figures have supported them for their own interests, further strengthening their grip on the country. For instance, former Haitian MP Prophane Victor—sanctioned by the U.S. government—has been accused of supplying local gangs with weapons, exacerbating the crisis.[1]

The violence perpetrated by gangs has triggered a large-scale displacement crisis. According to United Nations (UN) data, by the end of 2023, approximately 315,000 people had been forced to flee their homes due to gang violence.[2] By 2025, this number has surpassed one million—amounting to 10% of Haiti’s population.

As people seek refuge in safer areas, emergency shelters are overwhelmed, and access to basic necessities such as food, clean water, and healthcare has sharply declined. Women and children, in particular, face extreme risks. Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic’s continued deportation of irregular Haitian migrants has only worsened the humanitarian disaster.

Gangs in Haiti do not rely solely on violence—they have also taken control of critical economic infrastructure. Major roads and strategic facilities are under their domination. The notorious G9 gang alliance, for example, seized control of Haiti’s main fuel terminal, paralyzing transportation and causing hospitals to run out of fuel.

Additionally, gangs extort civilians by imposing “taxes,” engaging in kidnappings for ransom, and trafficking drugs and weapons. As the economic crisis deepens, poverty levels have risen, making gang affiliation a source of livelihood for many, especially among the youth.

Haiti’s growing dependence on international aid has made external assistance crucial. However, the decision by the U.S. government to cut aid to Haiti has worsened the situation.[3]  According to UNICEF, nearly 50% of Haitian children are now involved in armed groups, with some joining gangs as young as eight years old.[4]

The reduction in aid has also had severe consequences for Haiti’s healthcare, education, and nutrition programs. Many schools have shut down, and as of early 2025, gangs have reportedly burned down 47 educational institutions. The collapse of the education system threatens Haiti’s long-term stability, as it deprives future generations of opportunities for growth and development.

In an effort to combat the crisis, the Haitian government has sought international support, but the response has been inadequate. In 2024, the UN Security Council approved an international security mission to assist the Haitian police, but progress has been slow. So far, only around 400 Kenyan police officers have been deployed—far too few to effectively counter gang rule.[5]

Although countries like Benin, Jamaica, the Bahamas, and Belize have pledged a total of 2,900 troops to support Haiti, the exact timeline and logistics of their deployment remain unclear.[6] This delay has allowed gangs to seize even more territory, further endangering the Haitian population.

Addressing Haiti’s gang crisis requires a combination of short- and long-term policies. Strengthening security forces is a critical first step. Since Haiti’s police force is currently unable to handle the crisis alone, increased international military and financial assistance is essential. The UN-backed security mission must be expedited, and more countries should be encouraged to contribute to the effort. Direct military operations against gangs could help restore state control over lawless areas and ensure public safety.

In the short term, humanitarian aid must be significantly increased. Providing displaced Haitians with essential resources such as food, water, and healthcare is vital for stabilizing the situation. Raising international awareness of the crisis could encourage the U.S. to reconsider its aid policies, as cutting assistance has only exacerbated hunger, disease, and gang recruitment.

In the long run, Haiti needs comprehensive educational and economic reforms to break the cycle of violence. Schools must be secured and supported to prevent children from being recruited into gangs. Expanding job opportunities and launching social support programs can offer young people an alternative to gang involvement. Additionally, political stability is crucial—holding free and fair elections is necessary to rebuild trust in the government and establish a legitimate, functioning state.

Haiti’s gang crisis is not just a security issue but a deepening humanitarian and political catastrophe. Gangs have taken advantage of weak state authority, leaving the population vulnerable to violence, displacement, and poverty. Mass displacement, the collapse of the education system, and worsening hunger pose serious threats to the country’s future.

However, with stronger international intervention, accelerated security missions, and efforts to restore Haiti’s economic and political stability, this crisis can be mitigated. Without urgent action, the situation in Haiti will deteriorate further, turning into a broader regional security threat.


[1] Garcia, David Alire, “What’s Behind the Escalating Violence in Haiti?”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/after-haiti-suffers-fresh-gang-massacre-whats-behind-escalating-violence-2024-10-05/, (Date Accessed: 02.03.2025).

[2] “More Than 1 Million People Displaced by Raging Haiti Gang Violence, UN Says”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/more-than-1-million-people-displaced-by-raging-haiti-gang-violence-un-says-2025-01-14/, (Date Accessed: 02.03.2025).

[3] Le Poidevin, Olivia. “US Aid Cuts Having Dire Impact on Haiti’s Children, Says UNICEF”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-aid-cuts-having-dire-impact-haitis-children-says-unicef-2025-02-28/, (Date Accessed: 02.03.2025).

[4] Ibid.

[5] “Haiti: Briefing and Consultations”, Security Council Report, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/whatsinblue/2025/01/haiti-briefing-and-consultations-13.php, (Date Accessed: 02.03.2025).

[6] “Jamaica to Send Two Dozen Security Personnel to Haiti to Bolster Mission”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/jamaica-send-two-dozen-security-personnel-haiti-bolster-mission-2024-09-10/, (Date Accessed: 02.03.2025).

Ali Caner İNCESU
Ali Caner İNCESU
Ali Caner İncesu graduated from Anadolu University Faculty of Business Administration in 2012. He continued his education with Cappadocia University Tourist Guidance associate degree program and graduated in 2017. In 2022, he successfully completed his master's degrees in International Relations at Hoca Ahmet Yesevi University and in Travel Management and Tourism Guidance at Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli University. In 2024, he graduated from the United States University of Maryland Global Campus (UMGC) Political Science undergraduate program. As of 2023, he continues his doctoral studies at Cappadocia University, Department of Political Science and International Relations. In 2022, Mr. İncesu worked as a special advisor at the Embassy of the Republic of Paraguay in Ankara. He is fluent in Spanish and English and is a sworn translator in English and Spanish. His research interests include Latin America, International Law and Tourism.

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