On July 26, 2023 a coup was carried out against President Mohammed Bazoum in Niger. He was overthrown by the protection unit. Those who carried out the coup cite the deposed president’s inability to provide security in the country as their main reason. However, it is known that there is tension and competition between the president and some of the military staff.
It must be recollected that Bazoum ascended to authority subsequent to triumphing in the 2021 elections. This aspect is noteworthy as it constitutes the foremost constitutional and democratic alteration of governance since Niger attained sovereignty. Conversely, the insurrection in Niger, or more specifically, the ultimate phase of the insurrection progression in Western Africa, indicates that African politics and external interference in aforementioned politics continue to remain pertinent and legitimate. Furthermore, it has also given rise to the examination of the neo-colonial constituents of the extant system in Africa.
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU), hold significant importance as they establish the primary political and legal frameworks of African politics as continental structures. The largest difference between the OAU and the AU is that the latter opposes and is not confined to the alteration of administration through unconstitutional means, such as a coup, but also intervenes in its member states, including the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, in the event of such an occurrence. Alongside the OAU and the AU, sub-continental or regional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS) may also enforce a range of sanctions, including military intervention, when an unconstitutional change of government transpires, such as a coup. Niger has also attained membership status where ECOWAS intervenes in the process using various measures. The deadline stipulated by ECOWAS for the transition to democracy, the reinstatement of Bazoum, and the transition to the constitutional order expired on Sunday.
Thus, the potential for interference by both the AU and ECOWAS lies within the purview of the political framework, which has been implemented across the continent since the latter part of the 1990s and possesses nearly the same legal standing and importance as a jus cogens norm. Like the AU, ECOWAS engages in interventions solely within its member nations, rather than any nation on the African continent. An applicable article exists within the Organization’s statute, and members opt to embrace said article and join ECOWAS. Niger, as a member of ECOWAS, has also approved the Organization’s charter.
Both internal and external sources have made affirming statements and criticism regarding the military action taken by ECOWAS. In this particular context, it is imperative to explicate the legality and legitimacy of the potential intervention by ECOWAS. It is noteworthy that Niger is a constituent member of ECOWAS and therefore, is obligated to comply with the legal framework established by the organization. In certain situations, when there is a violation of the rule of law, human rights, and democratic principles, ECOWAS has the authority to intervene in the domestic affairs of its members and engage in military interventions.
In this context, Articles 10 and 25 of the Protocol on Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security of ECOWAS can be taken into consideration. Article 25 indicates that the organization has the authority to intervene militarily under certain conditions. The relevant article reserves the right of the organization to intervene in cases such as major violations of the rule of law in the member state, the overthrow of the democratically elected government or its attempts. Article 10 authorizes the Reconciliation and Security Council of ECOWAS to intervene in any way and to decide on the deployment of political and military task forces. The relevant body of the Organization, the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), has made similar interventions in Sierra Leone, Liberia, in the past in connection with government changes through unconstitutional means.
There exist diverse noteworthy aspects that necessitate consideration whilst evaluating the Niger coup and the ensuing reactions. Primarily, the junta regime, which assumed government control through a coup, opposes both ECOWAS and military intervention, as well as the actors advocating for such measures. In lieu of establishing a definitive timeline for the transition to a constitutional order and the restoration of President Bazoum to his rightful position, the junta regime elects to confront ECOWAS. The military intervention of ECOWAS is viewed by the junta as an assault on Niger, and it has been proclaimed that retaliatory measures will be taken. It is noteworthy that Nigeria is presently in possession of the rotating presidency of ECOWAS. The organization has already begun to impose financial and commercial sanctions on Niger, with a commercial embargo currently enforced. Furthermore, ECOWAS has declared a no-fly zone and has closed the border.
The second element is that the actors opposing ECOWAS and its intervention are not limited to Niger. The reactions of Burkina Faso and Mali, which are among the other actors of the coup d’etat in West Africa, are noteworthy. In these countries, there have been changes in the administration with unconstitutional methods. These two ECOWAS member countries have therefore been subjected to similar pressure and sanctions by the organization. Therefore, it can be considered as an attempt to provide their own legitimacy that there should be no intervention in the statements against Niger and that if there is a military intervention, it could be an attack against them. There are regional countries such as Algeria that oppose ECOWAS’s response plan. In other words, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Guinea have expressed their opposition to the military intervention of ECOWAS and that they can respond. The ECOWAS memberships of Mali and Burkina Faso were suspended because the coup took place.
The fact that not only some countries in Africa but also Russia from outside the continent make similar comments, causes the formation of an anti-intervention front and its support. According to the front, the option of military intervention against the coups, which has become customary in the context of the principles of the African Union and ECOWAS, threatens the security and stability of not only Niger but West Africa. However, during the period of OAU, that is, in the process of the elimination of colonialism, the perception of Africa in the continent and in the international public opinion was emphasized as the main threat to the politics and stability of the continent.
The third notable feature of the Niger affair is the loss of power in West Africa by France, its former colony. The withdrawal from Mali, the other countries where the coups took place, was equated with the withdrawal of the USA from Afghanistan and was therefore considered a failure.
Another aspect to be taken into account in Niger, which is linked to the decline in influence of France, is the aspiration of the military junta and a section of society in Niger to cultivate ties with Russia, as opposed to Western nations. Despite the completion of the era of decolonization, the present socioeconomic landscape prevalent in some African countries bears resemblance to the dynamics of colonial times. This implies that the neocolonial age is indeed underway, and particularly the leaders and elites of African nations enjoy close relations with former colonial powers such as France, enabling them to reap benefits. As a result, some of the profits and advantages accrued from bilateral agreements and cooperation are not equitably distributed amongst the populace, with a significant portion remaining in the hands of the elites.
Particularly in certain regions of African societies, there exists a basis for criticism of neo-colonial politics and relations with former colonies. For instance, in Niger, opposition to the president has arisen from those who supported the coup as well as those who carried it out. Furthermore, the lack of equitable distribution of wealth and income to society and the formation of a relationship with Western countries to the detriment of Niger are cited as reasons for discontent. Wagner’s name is frequently invoked by the junta that seeks support in this regard. In various parts of the continent, such as West Africa, Wagner endeavors to augment its presence and activities. It is noteworthy to mention that Russia has expanded its relations with the continent and is eager to continue doing so. The summit between Russia and Africa held in St. Petersburg in July 2023, is a testament to this development. During the summit, the leaders of Burkina Faso and Mali expressed their support for Russia and even condoned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
In a seemingly concerted effort to establish an opposing stance against the West and its interventions, the junta has recalled Niger’s ambassadors from Togo, Nigeria, the United States, and France. This move suggests a desire to detach from the West and foster closer ties with Russia.
The West African region, specifically the Sahel area, has been a persistent subject of international concern. The principal threats to security in this region include unconstitutional regime changes, coups, electoral result refusals, the proliferation of terrorist factions, terror attacks, and separatist movements. Notably, ISIS’s West African branch has been striving to bolster its influence in the area.
Niger’s abundant natural resources, such as its nearly 7 percent of global uranium reserves, are significant factors to consider. These resources shed light on Niger’s international relations, such as France’s potential dependence on Niger’s uranium. In fact, uranium accounts for over 70 percent of France’s energy needs. The uranium trade between France and Niger, therefore, holds great importance.
In addition to its resources, its strategic location indicates the importance of developments in Niger and which front will come to the fore. The USA, Germany, France and Italy have military bases in Niger. France has approximately 1500 soldiers in Niger and provides training, mainly in the fields of counter-terrorism and intelligence. It is stated that the USA has about 1000 soldiers. In addition, the French troops in Njier were operating within the scope of the anti-terrorism elements in the region. The arrival of French soldiers in Niger after leaving Mali and the fact that the French and the Americans had a base created discomfort in the Niger army. In fact, the junta has shown its reaction by terminating its military agreements with France. In return for this type of behavior, France and the USA stopped their aid to Niger.
All eyes are on France, because as stated above, one of the first activities of those who took over the government with a military coup was to end the military cooperation with France. The broadcasts of France 24 and RFI in the country were also stopped. These steps against France are important because Niger is considered the last ally of the Western countries in West Africa. Africa is important for France’s domestic and foreign policy. For example, the continent served as a means of demonstrating French power overseas under different French administrations. Apart from this, it contains answers about France’s adaptation to the post-Cold War neo-liberal new world order and why it should still be a permanent member of the UN Security Council. France; In addition to having close and historical relations, it has a military presence in Africa. This military title comes to the fore in relations with some African countries such as Mali and Niger. Since 2002, France has had a military presence in different parts of Africa. It is the most important international actor, especially in the Sahel.
There have been observations that the military involvement of ECOWAS might lead to an aspect of uncertainty. However, it is worth noting that instability was already present in the West African locality prior to the intervention. The primary indicator of such instability is coups, denoting the alteration of governance through unconstitutional means. To the point that a sequence of coups has been transpiring in West Africa since 2020. In 2020, coups took place in Mali, while Chad and Guinea experienced the same in 2021, and Burkina Faso in 2022.
There exists an alternative scenario that warrants contemplation and recollection in the endeavors to obscure the mutiny in Niger and the legitimacy of the subsequent military intervention: Bazoum aspired to modernize the army, revamp the upper echelon of the military, and discharge the principal figure of the uprising, General Tchiani. Consequently, there was a contention for power between a faction of the army and the head of state. Furthermore, a crucial aspect that has been disregarded, which is pivotal in comprehending the mutiny and the ensuing reactions, is the ethnic composition within the Niger demographic and the power struggles that arise within this composition. Bazoum belongs to the Arab ethnicity, and as a minority in the Niger demographic, the Arab population is a minority.
Therefore, one might ponder, “Are African politics reverting to the initial stages? An introduction to the fight against coups?” It is uncertain whether these inquiries will resurface in the aftermath of the 2000s. With the conclusion of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, several African nations were deprived of a significant ally. During Nikita Khrushov’s reign, the Soviets commenced providing support for the national liberation crusades in Africa and the states that gained independence during the eradication of colonialism. Nevertheless, the cessation of this aid during the 1990s compelled Africa to turn towards Western countries and institutions. This orientation ushered in conditions such as the implementation of democracy/transition to democratic administration and the observance of human rights.
In the era of the abolition of colonialism, equating the continental politics with the coup and providing aid to the above-mentioned conditions caused African states to adopt the reform of the OAU and to oppose the change of government in unconstitutional ways as the dominant norm. However, what happened and those who expressed it within the scope of Niger today question whether Africa will return to the beginning. On the other hand, drawing attention to the neo-colonial system, even with a coup, makes it question whether relations with the West and ex-colonial countries will settle on a new plane in favor of African peoples. In connection with the aforementioned question, it is wondered how Russia will increase its activities in the region and establish a different relationship with African states compared to the West.
